Tuesday, October 29, 2019

The effect of the recession on Tesco's, Sainsbury's and Morrison's Dissertation

The effect of the recession on Tesco's, Sainsbury's and Morrison's - Dissertation Example The first phase involves the identification and extensive research into the problem followed a literature review to develop strong basis for further insights. The second phase entails the sophisticated analysis on the data collected through the primary and secondary research work. It involves the use of pictorials to assist in better understanding of the research work. As a result, the analysis showed that the UK grocery sector had been adversely impacted as a whole; however, despite an economic downturn and deteriorating macro conditions, the three retail giants-Tesco, Sainsbury and Morrison have had an insignificant impact on their profitability, market share and loyalty of the customers. The research leads us to conclude that the leaders were able to combat the economic recession with an iron hand; and to revive their ways to the former glory with a year of the collapse of the economy. The analyses in the research also lead us to establish the fact that Tesco was able to maintain its dominance over the UK retail sector in terms of market share, sales, profitability and growth. Fieldwork and data collection 1. Introduction In this chapter, the methodology used is analyzed and discussed further and it importance to the three goals. The methodology is believed to be most significant part of the research. The methodology section is quite essential for the research since it gives clear direction of what is expected and proper means of attaining desired results. The clear-cut strategies and directions put in place will assist to increase the steadiness as well as put forward the job that can be done elsewhere. This chapter will provide and explain details of all the models, theories, and structures as well as tools used for data gathering and analysis. Types of questionnaire The chart flow gives the chronological approach that is to be taken during the research and gives appropriate methods applicable. The research has used a self-administered questionnaire with all three sub-procedures have been used. The questionnaire was sent to all the different places in order to have representative view of the population. However, a random sampling procedure was followed to eliminate any sort of biasness towards any population or a retail store. The response rate on the questionnaire was more accurate since questionnaires are simple and user friendly thus do not take much of the times. A precise follow-up was on the chosen sample for quick and positive replies. Similarly, the data for financial analysis was collected from the company websites as well as Reuters and Bloomberg. Likewise, a lot of newspaper clippings were collected to better analyze the market and make an unbiased opinion on the research questions. 1. Objective 1 Whether consum er’s loyalty of Tesco, Sainsbury’s and Morrison’s has been adversely affected by the recession? a. Methodology Survey and relevant research b. Tool Used A questionnaire has been prepared and other relevant information will be obtained from different sources like journals, newspapers and articles. c. Rationale of

Sunday, October 27, 2019

Comparison of War on Terror with the Cold War

Comparison of War on Terror with the Cold War Does the ‘Global War on Terror’ inaugurated by George W. Bush have similarities to the Cold War? Since 2001, academics and the United States administration have continuously compared the war against terrorism to the Cold War. The confrontations that the United States and its allies experienced during the war against communism in the Cold War and, more recently, the War on Terror arguably share significant similarities. Although there is significant debate across academia, some argue that Terrorism is the new Communism which similarly seeks to challenge and overthrow Western ideas and the whole structure of the liberal democratic world order. Others, among them revisionist historians, Claim that the main similarity between the Cold War and the War on Terror is the desire of the US to benefit from conflict, capitalise and secure other countries in its economic structures for own benefit. However, even though these are significant arguments, there has been a significant rise of discourse that seeks to separate the War on Terror from other conflicts, including the Cold War, stating that it is a new kind of war which symbolises a profound social transformation in the contemporary globalised world. For the purpose of this essay I summarise the nature of the War on Terror and its prevalent similarities to the Cold War. After that I present arguments stating that the War on Terror is in fact significantly different. After 9/11 the Bush administration urged the national policy to strengthen the core need to focus on a stronger homeland defence. The Department of Homeland Security was established as a movement toward centralisation of security at a national level. The 2002 National Security Strategy (NSS) relied on force and action to uphold international standards, unlike the previous years where leadership through co-operation was emphasised instead. Arguably that was the case because of the change of the nature of threat that was exerted on the US. Before the War on Terror the threat was to American values, whereas now the threat was a lot more serious, questioning survival. In the 1990’s the United States were involved in peace and humanitarian operations, supporting and extending American values worldwide. 2001, however, symbolised a shift in world order which directly threatened not just the United States but also its allies in Europe and elsewhere (Vrooman, 2004: 82). The United States were faced with a new type of war: a war without an easily identifiable enemy, which was not tied to a nation-state as we would traditionally expect (NSS, 2002: 5). This posed a number of problems with deterrence: The impossibility of destroying an enemy in a single manoeuvre, difficulty of identifying the enemy, and possibility of a costly counter-attack by the enemy. Terrorist groups were thought to have the ability, with the help of modern technology, to communicate while staying in the shadow, coordinating strategies and tactics. This allowed them to be highly decentralised and elusive while at the same time have the ability to act simultaneously for greater effect. The attackers were further seen to be mobilised by a common ideational standpoint: fanatical militarism legitimised through interpretation of religious texts in a certain way. This posed a serious problem as the attackers could not be negotiated with and shared little of the ideas the ‘westâ₠¬â„¢ and America had (Vrooman, 2004: 83). What we can deduct from this is that the War on Terror now had a more direct dimension, posing physical threat to the United States while at the same time being strongly ideological in nature, showing a confrontation of civilizational ideas (Stokes, 2003: 571). It also meant that, because the attackers could not be intimidated or discouraged by the cost that their attacks would incur upon themselves, that the potential magnitude of terrorist attacks was unprecedented and had to be dealt with similarly unprecedented force. While the War on Terror has become a primary focus of the United States in the aftermath of 9/11, 2001, with the Bush doctrine, it was largely carried out as continuation of exiting struggles that the U.S. faced in the middle-east during the Cold War, particularly during Reagan’s presidency in the 1980’s. The Reagan’s administration, during that time, was also expected of reacting quickly and as a result drafted many concepts, that were later used in the Bush doctrine, such as identifying terrorism as a form of warfare and not crime, or fighting regimes that could be seen as sponsors of terror rather than inter-state or transnational organisations (Toaldo, 2012: 3, Tirman, 2006: 3). Elements of the War on Terror, including fatal terrorist strikes, were present during the Cold War. Therefore, we can expect that the experience gained by the U.S. government during the Cold War would reciprocate into the post-2001 War on Terror (Smart, 2005). The desire to be influential, rather than coercive through hard power, was seen as the main weakness that led to the increase of terrorist threat. In the late half of the 1980’s the secretary of state, George Shultz would actively advocate for a more aggressive stance, focusing on Libya in 1986. Scandals during the time made office officials leaning towards isolationism less inclined to act in this new manner. These ideas, however, would inspire the Bush administration in 2001 (Toaldo, 2012: 5), revolving around maintaining a physical presence of military might: â€Å"To be safe, the US must be strong, with strength measured by readily available military might. Yet merely possessing military power does not suffice. Since perceptions shape reality, the US must leave others in no doubt as to its willingness to use power. Passivity invites aggression. Activism, if successful, enhances credibility† (A. Bacevich, 2011). The US administration was interested in maintaining a foothold in the middle-east throughout the entire cold-war period, and the emphasis of the Bush doctrine on its importance is nothing new. The middle-east was an area of confrontation between the two superpowers of the time – The USSR and USA. The US identified the nations in the region as either violent radicals or moderate reformists, with the latter being their allies. Interestingly, the distinction originally used to categorize between areas of US and Soviet influence, saw a revival after 9/11, but this time with terrorists taking the place of the soviets. The philosophy of â€Å"with us or against us† that was so prominent during the Cold War remained a crucial factor affecting US involvement and foreign policy in the region (Harling and Malley, 2010). What is fundamentally different with the new War on Terror, from the acts of terror that happened during the Cold War, is that it was no longer seen within the limits of being a tool in the Global Cold War, but an enemy in itself, since the threat of terrorism did not go away with USSR. The US was once again motivated to take action as soon as it saw a threat to the primacy of American ideals and its status as an absolute superpower (Toaldo, 2012: 23). The War on Terror continues the legacy that was conceived with the Cold War as there are: â€Å"affinities between terrorism and totalitarianism: both regard violence as an appropriate means to their political ends†¦ Both reject the basic moral principles of Judeo-Christian civilization†(Jeanne Kirkpatrick in Toaldo, 2012: 24). Indeed, for the US, similarly to Middle-Eastern terrorists the ‘oriental’ Russian mind was viewed to do nothing more than pretend to be civilized and use this false image to work discret ely in achieving its own ‘barbaric’ ends (Kennan, in Hutchings and Miazhevich, 2009: 4). Larry Diamond (2002) categorizes terrorist groups that pose a threat to the US as the ‘new Bolsheviks’ due to their struggle against the same elements of leading capitalist nations that the ‘old Bolsheviks’ struggled against: corrupt, exploitative alliances and imperialism supported by the ‘West’ with US in charge. This logic is prevalent among large sections of the Muslim world, outside of terrorist groups, that was spared the benefits of post-Cold War world order led by US, because of corruption. Terrorist attack on the World Trade Center can therefore be seen as a symbol of a revolution, similar to that which happened in Russia in 1917: â€Å"Like Hitler, Lenin and other charismatic demagogues before him (ideological enemies of the US), Osama bin Laden offers and alluring explanation: It is the fault of Jews, of the international capitalist system, and of the United States and the globalizing order it is imposing† (Diamond, 2002: 2). As the War on Terror developed, some academics went as far as to see its development a representation of a new Cold War, between post-Yeltsin Russia and the US-led ‘West’. Russia was blamed for its involvement in Afghanistan which resulted in formation of Al Qaeda, and the ‘West’, primarily the US, was blamed for providing the conditions necessary for terrorism to flourish through its intervention in Iraq and desire to form and maintain a form of imperialistic hegemony. In this case, terrorism, even though not under control of any of the sides, can be seen to function as a source of continuing competition and friction between the US and post-soviet Russia. (Hutchings and Miazhevich, 2009: 2). The ‘us versus them’, shows that during the Cold War and after it with the War on Terror, there is a continuity of an ideological confrontation based on competing ideas. Some writers (revisionist historians such Chomsky, Gaddis, Stokes, J. and G. Kolko), took that further, to argue that behind the ideological confrontations which were, and still are so obvious, is hidden the true purpose of the perpetuating conflict of the US with the rest of the ‘non-Western’ world. They see the confrontation as being in place to justify broader geoeconomic interests of US capital. They argue that all along it was â€Å"not the containment of communism, but rather more directly the extension and expansion of American capitalism, according to its new economic power and needs† (Kolko J., and G., 1972: 23). Therefore, we can see the Cold War as structural feature of a much longer period of exploitative relations between advanced capitalist economies and less developed, poorer nations. In order for the US economy to progress after the end of the Cold War confrontation between USSR and US and not stagnate, it had to find another front for its military-industrial complex which generated significant revenue and economic growth for the US. Massive military spending was once again justified when the War on Terror was brought to the table. Between the Cold War and the War on Terror there was a confrontation with Latin American countries which symbolized the continuity of economic interests as guiding foreign policy of the US. Latin America, being rich in natural resources, saw great amounts of US influence which ensured control over the area, preventing egalitarian socioeconomic reform that could potentially threaten US interests (Stokes, 2003). Us involvement in regional governments can be seen with the case of Colombia in the context of the Drug War in 2000 (Stokes, 2003: 577). Arguably we can see that ideology was not the only common theme present in the Cold War and the War on Terror, but there was also a geoeconomic rationale that was guiding US foreign policy from within in both wars. The US was not only interested in promoting democracy, but also in constructing a capitalist world order conductive to its interests (Chomsky, 1997). War on Terror also poses some new challenges to US Foreign Policy, and it is a weakness to discuss it simply from the premise of ideological confrontation and structural, geoeconomic standpoint without giving the necessary attention to its unique nature. Indeed, some scholars do not find the link between US foreign policy during the Cold War and War on Terror convincing. The War on Terror can also be seen resulting from a completely new development in social conditions connected with globalization due to a bridge between Industrial and Information Age. Therefore the war is no longer about ideas or the economy, but against competing global structures symbolized within terrorism. Al Qaeda has become a brand resembling the corruption of Western ideas. Modern Western society now has terrorist networks within its borders with many young terrorists born within its countries fighting against it through symbols of Islam. This is, perhaps, a very important distinction between the Cold War, wh ich was fought between two distinctive camps, and the War on Terror. US foreign policy makers understand this, as globalization and its impacts are discussed within National Security Strategy (Smart, 2005: 3). What is important however is that the American policy-makers still fail to understand the fact that terrorist groups are often not acting as a single organization within a centralized or decentralized structure, they act independently from each other. In Hardt and Negris Empire (2000), the multitude (or people of the modern proletariat) struggle against capitalism independently yet, at the same time, as a group. They do not communicate or organize, but pursue own small goals against the capitalist ‘empire’ system which add on to a greater picture and together represent a greater struggle. What is profoundly different about the War on Terror from the Cold War is that it pioneered this very same principle within terrorism: of many independent actors forming a greater struggle against a system (in this case the Western civilization) through their independent and autonomous actions. Similarities can, without doubt, be seen in US foreign policy during the Cold War and the War on Terror. However these similarities are present even between the two wars, suggesting a pattern for US approach to foreign policy. Ideological, civilizational struggle, going as far as to claim it is still against Russia and America, can be used to describe the stance of US foreign policy in both conflicts just as well as structural economic and internal factors. However, reducing to these two points does not allow us to explain why the US has seen relatively low success in its fight against terrorism. It is a failure to identify the War on Terror in the same way the Cold War has been identified, since the first is fought on a new, rather obscure battleground that we do not yet fully understand against a highly decentralized enemy which is not embodied in any physical representative and works from within modern liberal society, against it. No matter how many similarities there are between the Cold War and the War on Terror, the US cannot fall into a trap of dealing with Terror the same way as it dealt with Communism as this is likely to never remove it, if not make it an even more significant threat. Bibliography: Bacevich, A. (2011), ‘Secretary of Self-Defence‘, Financial Times, 13 February. Chomsky, N. (1997), â€Å"The Political-Economic Order†. In: World Orders, Old and New. Pluto Press: London. Diamond, L. (2002), â€Å"Winning the New Cold War on Terrorism: The Democratic-Governance Imperative†, Institute for Global Democracy, Policy Paper No. 1. Hardt, M. and Negri, A. (2000), Empire. Harvard University Press: USA. The White House (2002), The National Security Strategy of the United States of America. Hutchings, S. and Miazhevich, G. (2009), â€Å"The Polonium trail to Islam: Litvinenko, Liminality, and Television’s (Cold) War on Terror†, Critical Studies on Terrorism, vol. 2 (2). University of Manchester: UK. Kolko, J. and G. (1972), The Limits of Power: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1945–1954. Harper and Row: New York. Malley, R. and Harling P. (2010), â€Å"Beyond Moderates and Militants: How Obama Can Chart a New Course in the Middle East†, Foreign affairs, September/October. Smart, C. (2005), â€Å"The Global War on Terror: Mistaking Ideology as the Center of Gravity†, Center for Strategic Leadership (CSL), Vol. 8 (5). Stokes, D. (2003), â€Å"Why the end of the Cold War doesn’t matter: the US war of terror in Colombia†, Review of International Studies, vol. 29, pp. 569-585. The White House (2002), The National Security Strategy of the United States Of America. Tirman, J. (2006), â€Å"The War on Terror and the Cold War: They’re Not the Same†, The Audit of Conventional Wisdom, vol. 6 (6). Center for International Studies, MIT: MA. Toaldo, M. (2012), â€Å"The War on Terror and Its Cold War Burdens: An Assessment of the Reagan Legacy†, Wednesday Panel Sessions, June 20th, British International Studies Association. Vrooman, S. (2004), Homeland Security Strategy from the Cold War into the Global War on Terrorism: An Analysis of Deterrence, Forward Presence, and Homeland Defense. U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.

Friday, October 25, 2019

Essays on Death and Suicide - I Will Survive Suicide :: Personal Narrative Essays

I Will Survive Suicide    After several years, the pain comes and goes.   At home I have become so used to the few pictures and momentos of my mom that I hardly see them unless I purposely decide to look at them.   In my voluteer work after school,   I find that once again I can concentrate on things.  Ã‚   Only once and a while, something will trigger a memory.   Occasionally, I go for periods of time feeling sad, but my work with children and my friends and family keep me focused.   I feel confident in my abilities and feel much stronger than ever before.   It has been a monumental amount of work to get to this point.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚      At first, hour by hour I felt like I had to force myself to do everything.   Force myself out of bed, get dressed, drive the car without crashing it, study, make phone calls.   All these things seemed so impossible, so meaningless.   Little by little, day by day, I regained my strength, my sanity, my confidence.   Several years seems painfully long and wistfully short, all at the same time.   But I now know that I can survive.   I still have strong faith that God cares for us, maybe not in the way we think is best, but in His own way and in His own time.   The glimpse I had of my mom at her death and the other events surrounding those next few days convinced me of the loving care of God for all his children, and His forgiveness, even after suicide.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚      I have committed myself to finding ways to help others. Whenever I find myself getting sad, I try to think of someone else who needs care and comfort.   I wish with all my heart that suicide could cease, that no one else would have to suffer this pain.

Thursday, October 24, 2019

Comparing Criminal Justice Systems: Venezuela vs Denmark

Background Denmark The small, European country of Denmark lies just on the border of the North and Baltic Seas upon the peninsula of Germany, also flanked by Norway and Sweden. It is less than twice the size of Massachusetts at 43,094 square kilometers. The weather is generally temperate, humid and overcast with windy winters and cool summers. Denmark’s natural resources include petroleum, natural gas, fish, salt, limestone, chalk, stone, gravel and sand. Denmark has a population of 5,484,723 with 65. 9% between the ages of 15 and 64 years old. The population growth rate is 0. 95%; they have a birth rate of 10. 71 per 1000 people and a death rate of 10. 25. The migration rate is 2. 49 per 1000 people and the residents have a life expectancy of 78. 13 years. The nationality of the people of Denmark is Dane, or Danish. The Danish ethnic groups include Scandinavian, Inuit, Faroese, German, Turkish, Iranian, and Somali. As far as religious beliefs, 95% of Denmark are Evangelical L utheran, 3% other Christian including Protestant and Roman Catholic and 3% Muslim. The main languages spoken are Danish, Faroese, Greenlandic and German and the predominant second language is English. The Danes have a 99% literacy rate and the school life expectancy is 17 years. (CIA: World Fact book) Venezuela Venezuela is a much larger country of 912,050 square kilometers and population 26,414,816 in Northern South America bordering the Caribbean Sea and the North Atlantic Ocean. It lies flush with Columbia, Brazil and Guyana. It is slightly more than twice the size of California with a tropical climate—hot and humid. 63. 8% of the population is between the ages of 15 and 64 years old. The population growth rate is 1. 98% with a birth rate of 20. 92 per 1000 population and 5. 1 deaths per 1000 population. The net migration rate is -. 084 per 1000 population and their life expectancy from birth is 73. 45 years. Their nationality is Venezuelan and their ethnic groups are Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, Arab, German, African, and indigenous people; Spanish is the official language. 96% of Venezuela is nominally Roman Catholic, 2% Protestant and 2% other religions entirely. 93% of Venezuelans are literate and the average school expectancy rate is 12 years. Law Denmark Denmark is a constitutional monarchy, with the Queen fulfilling the role of head of state, and the government formed out of the parliament. Denmark has a unicameral (single chamber) parliament, with deputies elected through a system of proportional representation, though each member also represents a constituency. (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Demark) The political system of Denmark is a multi-party structure, where several parties are represented in the Parliament. Danish governments are most often minority administrations, governing with the aid of one or more supporting parties. This means that Danish politics are characterized by inter-party compromising. Since 1909 no single party has had the majority of parliamentary seats. A popularly elected parliament, Folketinget, governs the country and the prime minister, the nation's chief political officer, usually comes from the ranks of the majority party. The Faroe Islands and Greenland come under nominal rule from Denmark. (Visit Denmark) The capital of Denmark is Copenhagen and the chief of state is Queen Margrethe II since January 14, 1972, and Heir Apparent Crown Prince Frederik, the eldest son of the monarch. The head of the government is Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen since 27 November 2001. The monarch is hereditary, however following legislative elections, the leader of the majority party or the leader of the majority coalition is usually appointed prime minister by the monarch. Supreme Court judges are appointed by the monarch for life terms. Criminal offenses are defined either in the special part of the Criminal Code or in separate statutes. The general conditions for imposing criminal penalties are found in the general part of the Criminal Code which also apply to separate statutes. The sanctions described in the general part of the Criminal Code are the same whether the criminal offense consists of a violation of the Criminal Code or of separate statutes. The substantive Danish criminal law is monistic, meaning that violations of the law never have been divided into categories like felony/misdemeanor, crime/delicts or the like. It does not mean, however, that major offenses are treated in the same manner as petty offenses in all respects. (Ravn, Lene) The age of criminal responsibility is 15 years old. According to the Criminal Code the mere possession of narcotic drugs is criminalized. However, the law is not enforced regarding possession of very small amounts meant for the drug addict's own consumption. Possession and selling is penalized in a special law on drugs containing the possibility of imprisonment for a period of up to two years. Serious cases of trafficking of drugs are punished with imprisonment within a range of one month to ten years according to the Criminal Code. Venezuela Venezuela’s political system is a Federal Republic. The current Venezuelan constitution was adopted in 1999. Important changes were made regarding the structure of the government as well as in human rights and community participation. Since the approval by referendum of this constitution, the government consists of five branches, the Executive, Legislative, Judicial, Citizen and Electoral. The Executive Branch: The President and his cabinet. The President is elected by universal, direct and secret ballot for a six-year term. The President may be re-elected for one additional consecutive term only. Legislative: One chamber National Assembly composed by 165 deputies elected for a five- year term. Deputies may be re-elected for up to one additional consecutive term. Judiciary: The new constitution renamed the Supreme Court as the Supreme Tribunal of Justice. Justices are nominated by the civil society. Final appointment requires the approval of at least two thirds of the legislative branch. The Citizens Branch: Created to safeguard public ethics, to ensure respect for the principle of legality in the Administration, and to assume the defense of human rights. The Ombudsman or Defender of the People, the Attorney General and the Comptroller General form this power The Electoral Branch: This authority is independent from other Government Branches and is appointed by nominations from the civil society. Administrative Division: 22 states, 1 federal district and the federal dependencies. State Governors are elected for a four-year term and may be re-elected for one additional consecutive term only. Most Venezuelans are Roman Catholic. The Constitution guarantees freedom of religion. All faiths have churches and people may worship freely. Venezuela’s people result from the mingling of European, Amerindian, and African cultures. Traditionally a haven for people of all origins, Venezuela received large waves of immigrants from Europe following World War II and from other Latin American and Caribbean nations during the 1970s. (Embassy) The Venezuelan chief of state and head of government is President Hugo Chavez Frias since February 3, 1999. The Executive Vice President Ramon Alonzo Carrizalez Rengifo since 4 January 2008. The Venezuelan Penal Code distinguishes between crimes, punishable by imprisonment, and misdemeanors (faltas), punishable by arrests or fines. In the Penal Code, crimes are classified by major types, as follows: * Crimes against national sovereignty and national security — treason; crimes against national and state government; crimes against international law * Crimes against liberty — crimes against political, personal, religious freedom, etc. Corruption — these are defined in a special anti-corruption law, enacted in 1982 * Crimes against the administration of justice — simulating crimes, false testimony, collusion, concealment, etc. * Crimes against public order — conspiracy to commit crime; incitement to crime; manufacture and carrying of weapons, etc. * For gery — false currency; forged seals, fiscal stamps, documents, passports, licenses, etc. * Crimes against public and private interests — arson, causing floods, etc. gainst public health and nutrition * Crimes against public morals and the family — rape, seduction, prostitution, corrupting minors, adultery, bigamy, etc. * Crimes against persons — homicide, battery, abortion, abandoning children, slander, etc. * Crimes against property — theft, robbery, extortion, kidnapping, fraud, etc. (Birkbeck, Christopher) Until 1998, the age of criminal responsibility was 18. In that year, a new Children's Code (Venezuela, 1998c) established criminal responsibility for adolescents (ages 12 to 17). However, the adolescent criminal justice system is administratively separate from the adult criminal justice system. Adolescents who turn 18 during adjudication or sentencing continue under the adolescent justice system. (Birkbeck) Police Denmark The state police is a department of the Ministry of Justice. There is no longer a municipal police and the military police only has authority over soldiers according to the Military Criminal Code. Denmark is divided into 54 police districts (excluding the Faeroe Islands and Greenland), each headed by a local chief of police. The National Commissioner reports to the Minister of Justice. For administrative purposes the police are subdivided into plain-clothes criminal investigators, uniformed patrolmen, traffic police officers, immigration police, and other categories. (Ravn) The common police of Denmark consist of 12 districts each managed by a director and two minor districts in Greenland and the Faroe Islands, run by a chief of police. The mission statement of the Danish police is as follows: The police must work in order to ensure security, safety, peace and order in the society. The police must promote this purpose through preventive, helping and enforcing work. In addition to the regular districts, there are three other organizations that work outside the common police. Rigspolitiet is the state national police for Denmark. Politiets Efterretningstjeneste, also called PET, is the national security intelligence agency of Denmark. The agency focuses solely upon domestic security while foreign intelligence operations are handled by Forsvarets Efterretningstjeneste – an intelligence branch under the Danish military. The stated overall purpose of PET is to prevent, investigate and counter operations and activities that pose or may pose a threat to the preservation of Denmark as a free, democratic and safe country. The three main duties of the PET are counter terrorism, counter extremism and counter espionage. Politiets Aktionsstyrke (AKS) is the Special Forces unit of the Danish police; a national SWAT team. It is meant to handle extraordinarily difficult or life-threatening criminal situations, such as terrorism, hostage situations, and kidnapping. It also deals with emergency rescue situations that would be too dangerous for others to handle. The AKS holds responsibility for all anti-terror and counter-terrorism missions in Denmark. (Wikipedia) New recruits are required to be in good physical condition; good personal and economic condition, and should have achieved good grades in school. New recruits are usually required to be between 21 and 29 years of age, of Danish citizenship or have applied for Danish nationality/citizenship, and without any convictions. The basic training of police personnel takes 3 years. The training comprises both school education and training of a more practical nature. School education, which consists of 2 courses of 8 months each, takes place at the Police Academy in Copenhagen. The rest of the training time is spent on the job. The Police Academy also presents special courses and leadership courses. All chiefs of police hold a master's degree in law from a university. (Ravn) Venezuela The national Venezuelan police are the Cuerpo Tecnico de Policia Judicial, or PTJ. They were founded almost immediately after the overthrow of Dictator Marcos Perez Jiminez in 1958. The PTJ is the primary judicial police force in the country, charged with the reception of crime reports made by citizens, the investigation of crimes, gathering of evidence and arrest of suspects. In all these tasks, the PTJ is subordinated to the public prosecutor's office. Administratively, the PTJ is attached to the Ministry of the Interior and Justice. The national headquarters are in Caracas, and there is one office in each state capital, with additional offices in some other cities. The PTJ's name was recently changed to the National Directorate of Criminal Investigation. The traffic police (Cuerpo Tecnico de Vigilancia del Transito y Transporte Terrestre), administratively attached to the Ministry of Infrastructure, are responsible for surveillance, preliminary investigation and occasionally arresting suspects, in traffic offenses that involve violations of the criminal law. The state police are responsible for patrol work and public order, arrests (when offenders are caught in the act), and community service. They may also serve as auxiliary judicial police. Each force is regulated by a local Police Code. To further complicate the institutional environment, state police forces are also coordinated by an office in the Ministry of the Interior and Justice that compiles selected statistics and sets guidelines for internal procedures. Beginning in 1990, wealthier municipalities in the country's largest cities set up municipal police forces. By July 2001, there were 77 municipal forces in the country. They are attached to the mayors' offices and regulated by the state's Police Code and by municipal ordinance. With so many different uniformed police forces, there are obviously difficulties in coordination and efficiency. For that reason, since at least 1977 there have been diverse proposals to create a unified national police force. The most recent is the National Police Law, which is currently being debated in the National Assembly. This law would join all uniformed police forces (state, Capital District, municipal), together with the traffic police, into one national force. (Birkbeck) Courts Denmark The independent courts constitute a part of the division of power in Denmark. Generally speaking, cases are dealt with in the first instance by a local or city court; appeals against the judgments of city courts are made to one of the country's two High Courts. A few big cases and cases touching on administrative matters are dealt with by one of the high courts in the first instance. The highest court in Denmark is the Supreme Court, and the Queen appoints judges. (Ministry) The Danish Supreme Court is the highest civil and criminal court responsible for the administration of justice in Denmark. The Kingdom of Denmark, consisting of Denmark, Greenland and the Faroe Islands, does not have a single unified judicial system – Denmark has one system, Greenland another and the Faroe Island a third. However, ecisions by the highest courts in Greenland and the Faroe Islands may be appealed to the Danish High Courts. Venezuela Venezuela has three types of main courts: Trial courts: The 395 trial courts are divided into first instance trial courts and instructional criminal courts. In addition, 667 departmental and municipal courts are assigned the lowest level cases. Superior Courts: There are 173 Superior courts that primarily act as interme diate appellate courts. The dispersion of these courts throughout the country is based on population and political needs. Supreme Court: The Supreme Court is the court of last resort. It is composed of 15 justices who each serve a nine-year term. This Court is divided into three chambers: civil, criminal, and civil rights. (Salas, Luis) They also have several types of special courts: Military Courts: Military courts exercise a considerable amount of authority since their jurisdiction extends to all crimes committed by members of the armed forces and on-duty police officers. Many persons have criticized this system, viewing it as a barrier to the successful prosecution of human rights abuses committed by the police and military. Military courts extend their jurisdiction to civilians accused of crimes under the military code, for example treason or subversion. Anti-corruption Court: The anti-corruption court (Tribunal de Salvaguardia Del Patrimonio Publico) was established with specific and sometimes extraordinary powers, to investigate and punish corruption. While corruption cases may be tried in the first instance by the traditional court system, these special courts have second instance jurisdiction. They also serve as trial courts for cases involving corruption by high-level officials. Even though their jurisdictional powers are extensive, they have been afforded meager resources to carry out their responsibilities. Family/Juvenile Courts: Another set of courts handle family matters and juvenile cases. Juveniles are processed through special courts and then remanded to juvenile correctional facilities. (Salas) Corrections Denmark In Denmark, the correctional service controls 15 prisons, one institution for inmates needing psychiatric treatment, and 40 local jails. Five of the prisons and the psychiatric institution are closed in that they are secured by an external ring wall as well as by internal precautions like secured buildings, and electronic security systems combined with relatively dense staffing. The staff does not carry arms. Being used as remand detention institutions, the local jails are also closed. The remaining nine prisons are open institutions which actually means that the inmates are physically able to leave the institution. Two of the closed prisons have both male and female inmates. In one of these prisons there is cohabitation between men and women within units. There are also two open prison departments for women. While serving his sentence the inmate is obliged to work for which he is paid a small hourly salary. The prison administration tries to ensure that the working places equate those found in modern society. In order to encourage inmates to educate themselves the same amount is paid to inmates who choose to go to the prison school instead of going to work. The prison provides health care and necessary dental care. Sick inmates will be hospitalized in ordinary hospitals. The policies of the correctional service are governed by the following three principles: A. Normalization. As a starting point the inmate is placed in the open prison closest to his home in order to preserve family contacts and to pave the way for a gradual release from the prison. There must be specific reasons for instituting control of inmates' correspondence. Visits by next-of-kin take place in secluded visiting rooms with a couch. In the open prisons weekend leaves are granted every third week to prisoners with a low risk of recidivism. A prisoner in a closed institution may obtain similar rights to weekend leave when he has served one fourth of his sentence. At some time during incarceration about one third of the prisoners in closed prisons are granted occasional leaves. The total number of leaves per year is about 57,000. More than half of these are so-called work leaves where an inmate leaves the prison to go to work or to take part in educational activities in society. B. Self-administration. The inmate is responsible for his own daily life. Important elements of this approach are that food must be bought and cooked by the inmate to which end he is paid a fixed amount of money per day. The inmate is also responsible for his personal hygiene, clothes' laundry and repair. The prison encourages the inmates to make meaningful use of leisure hours by providing opportunity for sports and other structuralized activities. C. Release on parole and after-care. According to a provision of the Criminal Code more than 90% of the inmates are released on parole after having served two thirds of their sentences. Almost 10% of these will be released after serving between one half and two thirds of the time, due to special grounds. Royal pardon is possible according to the Constitution, but rare. Outside of imprisonment for life which necessitates the use of pardoning, royal pardon is more commonly used in connection with short-term sentences where the convicted cannot endure the prison stay because of severe illness or the like. In such cases the pardon is normally conditioned on the payment of a fine. (Dr. Winslow, Robert) Venezuela Typical penalties in Venezuela include fines, restitution, probation, and incarceration. Some crimes carry mandatory prison sentences which prohibit early release. The death penalty in Venezuela was abolished in the mid 1860s. The prison population in Venezuela is 40% over its stated capacity. Overcrowding is regarded as a primary factor in the high level of violence within prisons, which resulted in an average of 3 prisoner deaths per week in 1992. Venezuela, like many of its Latin American countries, has incorporated the United Nation's â€Å"Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners† in its national legislation. However, a recent human rights director of the Venezuelan Attorney General's Office has criticized the conditions of the nation's prisons. As a consequence of government neglect, the prisoners live in overcrowded and unhealthy quarters, without access to education, and lacking incentives to seek jobs once they are released. (Salas) References Birkbeck, Christopher Venezuela World Fact Book of Criminal Justice Systems http://www. ojp. usdoj. gov/bjs/pub/ascii/wfcjsvz. txt CIA: World Fact Book https://www. cia. gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/da. html Embassy of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela In the United States of America http://www. embavenezus. org/? pagina=kids. venezuela/political. system. tm=Venezuela%20for%20Kids Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark http://www. ambmoskva. um. dk/en/menu/InfoDenmark/danish+political+and+social+affairs/ Ravn, Lene Denmark World Fact Book of Criminal Justice Systems http://www. ojp. usdoj. gov/bjs/pub/ascii/wfbcjden. txt Salas, Luis Florida International University Venezuela World Fact Book of Criminal Justice http://www. ojp. usdoj. gov/bjs/pub/ascii/wfbcjve n. txt Visit Denmark http://www. visitdenmark. com/uk/en-gb/menu/turist/turistinformation/fakta-az/ Wikipedia www. en. wikipedia. org Dr. Winslow, Robert San Diego State University Crime and Society

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Career Interest Profile

My impenitence of researching, straightening, coping with pressure, applying expertise, logical thinking, and leading are consistent with my profile. The researching means I have the ability to get up to speed quickly when presented with new information and tasks. It allows me to support my opinions with evidence. My ability to produce focused and detailed plans while ensuring I see the big picture are in agreement with straightening. M very comfortable with data, identifying patterns, and getting to the root cause f problems by asking the right questions that support my logical thinking. Applying expertise is my understanding of how things work and the capability to effectively implement the use of every tool at my disposal in order to get things done more efficiently. Coping with pressure simply means I can stay on task and be positive through any situation. Together, all the competencies I have described support my capacity of leading.I enjoy coaching mentoring, ND developing indi viduals by providing clear direction, purpose, and motivation. My work culture preferences are high powered, teamwork centered, and ethical. These correlate to my career interests and competencies in many ways. The teamwork centered culture requires working in a close knit team which is interconnected with enterprising and social individuals with most if not all my competencies. In addition, the ethical preference relates to leading by setting the appropriate standards of behaviors.